"The Sinhalese people should not oppose the Tamils' aspirations to manage their own affairs under a system of self-rule in their own homeland. It is the politics of the Sinhala nation that will eventually determine whether the Sinhalese could peacefully co-exist with the Tamils or to compel the Tamils to secede... If the Sinhala chauvinistic forces, for their own petty political reasons scuttle this peace effort... The Tamil people will be compelled to pursue the path of secession and political independence." - Velupillai Prabakharan in 'Maaveerar Naal' speech of November 27, 2002
Another Maaveerar Naal or great Heroes Day has come and gone. The much awaited address by Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Leader Velupillai Prabakharan has not caused any convulsions. It has been on predictable lines reiterating some points made by the Tiger supremo on earlier occasions. Other salient factors of the speech were more or less a carefully constructed repetition of what LTTE Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham has been saying all along.
Wrong image
A comparative study of views expressed by Balasingham in media interviews, press conferences and meetings connected to the Thailand peace talks will reveal that the essence of what he said has echoed in Prabakharan's speech.
This naturally is not surprising as it is well known that "Bala Annai," the Tiger ideologue, writes "Thamby" Prabakharan's Maaveerar speeches. In that context, it was amusing to note some news agencies reporting that the LTTE Leader has contradicted what the chief negotiator had stated earlier without realising who the actual speech writer was.
Moreover, it illustrated once again the abysmal ignorance of many media pundits of the actual situation. Sections of the media created a totally wrong image earlier that Balasingham had dropped the Tamil Eelam demand at the Sattahip summit.
After engaging in an unnecessary exercise of misunderstanding and misinformation, these sections are now baffled. Once again, these elements are trying to project an impression that the LTTE is vacillating. The truth however, is that the LTTE remains consistent in its stance while some media circles continue to be confused and in turn confuse the public. The underlying cause for these erroneous assumptions is the inability to comprehend the ideological dimensions of the Tamil political struggle and the LTTE's current approach.
Given the past history of oppression and repression, a substantial number of Tamils in the north and east felt that the sovereign state of Tamil Eelam was the only answer. The overwhelming electoral victory of the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) in 1977 signified this mindset. Tamil militants as opposed to the old guard felt that only an armed struggle will help establish a Tamil Eelam comprising the Northern and Eastern Provinces of the island. The LTTE like many other Tamil militant groups in the past, subscribed to this theory of Tamil Eelam being the only solution and the armed struggle being the way to achieve it.
Due to several reasons, the LTTE has now emerged as the preponderant representatives of the Tamil people. While pursuing an armed struggle, the Tigers did on occasions engage in peace talks.
While the LTTE did feel that no Sinhala government would be able to address Tamil demands meaningfully, national and international factors compelled the organisation to participate in peace parleys. Thimpu talks in 1985, New Delhi talks in 1987, Colombo talks in 1989 - 90, Jaffna talks in 1994 -95 are but some of these. Various explanations have been provided for the failure of these attempts.
Addressing 'core' issues
Now we have the Thailand talks facilitated by Norway. A ceasefire has lasted for more than nine months. Some progress has been achieved in setting up committees. Compared to earlier attempts at peace making, the present process seems to have progressed far. An important reason for this success is the international effort personified magnificently by Norway. Despite the euphoria, one cannot gloss over the fact that the parties in conflict are yet to address what are known as 'core' issues. These are the fundamental political issues and would require extraordinary constitutional arrangements to be resolved.
Whatever the illusion created, no permanent peace is possible unless and until these 'core' issues are resolved satisfactorily. The magnitude of the task is illustrated by the fact that both the Tamil and Sinhala sides have totally contradictory perceptions about what these core issues are. Moreover, public pronouncements made by prominent Sinhala and Tamil political personalities suggest that there is a massive hiatus between both positions. There seems to be a vast gap between the minimum demands and maximum concessions.
In that context, there seems hardly any basis for anyone to expect the LTTE to modify its avowed position of Tamil Eelam at this juncture. Such a possibility could materialise only after the peace talks reach a fruitful stage of development. It is indeed disappointing that some media circles should continue to create false impressions of the LTTE dropping its Tamil Eelam demand prematurely. Equally distressing is the impression conveyed that the Tigers are dilly-dallying on the issue or that there is internal dissension on that account. What is important to realise is that the LTTE is only prepared to consider alternatives without having abandoned secession.
Viable alternative
Thus, when the LTTE says it is prepared to participate in the search for a settlement short of Tamil Eelam, a familiar strand in Tamil politics is visible again. Once again, the dominant Tamil political force of the day like the TULF in the past, is ready to accept a viable alternative to Tamil Eelam. The analogy ends there.
The LTTE unlike the TULF has reached this dominant position through force of arms and is in a far more powerful position vis a vis the government in Colombo than the TULF ever was. This position of strength and its ideological make up will not let the LTTE compromise for something far less than Tamil Eelam. So any viable alternative that the Tigers would be ready to accept has to incorporate the core principles of self-determination, homeland and nationhood. That simply put is the bottom line.
This position was directly and effectively conveyed to the world at large by LTTE Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham at the press conference in Thailand in September itself. Reiterating then that the Tigers were not in negotiations to pursue Tamil Eelam, Balasingham emphasised that the Tigers were operating at a different level with other concepts such as self-determination, homeland, etc.
There was however an explicit warning. If the three concepts were not enshrined in any forthcoming settlement or if oppression continued, the Tigers would use the right of 'self-determination' as a last resort and secede, launching if necessary a separatist war again. Unfortunately, sections of the media twisted this to project a view that the LTTE had dropped Tamil Eelam.
Now the LTTE position has been clarified unambiguously through Tiger Supremo Prabakharan's annual address. Arguing that the Tamils of Sri Lanka constitute a distinct nationality or national formation with a separate language, culture, territory and consciousness of ethnic identity, the LTTE leader emphasises its right to charter its own future. Prabakharan says in his speech:
"As distinct people, the Tamils are entitled to the right to self-determination. The right to self-determination has two aspects; internal and external. The internal self-determination, entitles people to self-rule. The Tamil people want to live in freedom and dignity in their own lands, in their historically constituted traditional lands without the domination of external forces. They want to protect their national identity pursuing the development of their language, culture and economy. They want to live in their homeland under a system of self-rule. This is the political aspiration of our people. This constitutes the essential meaning of internal self-determination. We are prepared to consider favourably a political framework that offers substantial regional autonomy and self-government in our homeland on the basis of our right to internal self-determination. But if our people's right to self-determination is denied and our demand for regional self-rule is rejected, we have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent state."
Continuing further, Prabakharan appealed directly to the Sinhala people: "The Sinhalese people should not oppose the Tamils' aspirations to manage their own affairs under a system of self-rule in their own homeland. It is the politics of the Sinhala nation that will eventually determine whether the Sinhalese could peacefully co-exist with the Tamils or to compel the Tamils to secede. If the Sinhala chauvinistic forces, for their own petty political reasons scuttle this peace effort, the Tamil people will be compelled to pursue the path of secession and political independence," he warned.
This then is the LTTE position. The most noteworthy feature of Prabakharan's address is that he is underscoring the LTTE's preparedness to consider "favourably a political framework that offers substantial regional autonomy and self-government in our homeland on the basis of our right to internal self-determination." At the same time, his warning too should not be disregarded lightly - "But if our people's right to self-determination is denied and our demand for regional self-rule is rejected, we have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent state."
Golden opportunity
Government spokesman and Constitutional Affairs Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris has been enthusiastic about Prabakharan's stance. He seems to be of the view that as negotiations progress, a satisfactory constitutional settlement acceptable to all parties could be worked out. Peiris is happy about the LTTE Leader enunciating the Tiger stance lucidly. It is indeed a step forward from a southern perspective. The LTTE leader, described often as uncompromisingly intransigent has proved flexible. He has gone on record that he is prepared to consider a viable alternative 'favourably.' Also, he has expressed confidence in the bona fides of Ranil Wickremesinghe
This is a golden opportunity that should not be neglected. The supreme challenge facing the Sinhala polity therefore is to explore ways and means of evolving a viable alternative to the Tamil Eelam demand that would be acceptable to the LTTE and by extension, the Tamil people. Unless Tamil aspirations are accommodated, the demand for Tamil Eelam will not be abandoned. If a viable alternative is to evolve, then the core principles of homeland, nationhood and self-determination have to be recognised.
The core principle of self-determination (internal) is not something extraneous in Tamil perception. It is perceived as an inherent right of the Tamil people and not a concession given as a hand-out.
The formidable task at hand is to work out a solution providing self-rule in an autonomous region incorporating the right of self-determination in a manner acceptable to the Sinhala and Muslim people as well. These are issues that have to be addressed and not glossed over, ignored or postponed indefinitely. Unless and until these issues are resolved and a radical re-structuring of the state is effected, prospects of a final and permanent settlement are bleak indeed.
Ball in Sinhala court
What Prabakharan has done therefore is to fling down the gauntlet to the Sinhala people and their political leaders. He has requested them to provide an acceptable solution. The onus has been placed on the Sinhala south to provide a viable alternative to Tamil Eelam. The present rounds of talks may defer discussions on the subject for a future date. Yet, the day will dawn when the issue is really and constructively discussed. A meaningful settlement will have to be reached then.
There are two questions to ponder in such a situation. One is whether the powers that be are capable of evolving an equitable solution that would be acceptable to the LTTE? The other is whether a Sinhala consensus endorsing such a solution will materialise? It is only then that the Tamil Eelam demand would be laid to rest. As for now, the Tamil Eelam ball is in the Sinhala court.